By Luis López
During this quantity, Luis López sheds new gentle on info constitution and makes an important contribution to paintings on grammatical operations within the Minimalist application. via a cautious research of dislocations and concentration fronting in Romance, the writer indicates that notions similar to 'topic' and 'focus', as often outlined, yield no predictions and proposes as a substitute a characteristic method in response to the notions 'discourse anaphor' and 'contrast'. He provides a close version of syntax---information-structure interplay and argues that this interplay occurs on the part point, with a privileged function for the sting of the part. extra, he investigates phenomena about the syntax of gadgets in Romance and Germanic - accusative A, p-movement, clitic doubling, scrambling, item shift - and exhibits that there are cross-linguistic correlations among syntactic configuration and specificity, self sufficient of discourse connectedness. the amount ends with a longer research of the syntax of dislocations in Romance.
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Extra resources for A Derivational Syntax for Information Structure
As we have seen, a constituent marked as [+Focus] may stay in situ or it may move—but whatever makes it move is not the focus feature, since focus can contentedly stay in situ. I suggest that movement to left periphery position, either by FF or wh-phrases, is connected with [+c]. 34) Context: Did you buy furniture? Doncs, de cadires no en vaig comprar . . ’ [It] This moved quantiWer is arguably also [+c]. A sentence like (i) is most naturally uttered in the context in which someone asserts that we will Wnd no one.
The issue is not important for our purposes in this chapter. Chapter 5 presents an analysis of both word orders. 4 Unless otherwise indicated, all the examples in this chapter are Catalan. Information structure 25 Additionally, contrastive focus is also revisited. An inXuential tradition— best represented by Kiss (1998)—holds that what deWnes contrastive focus against regular focus is that focus is ‘‘[+contrastive] . . only if the domain of identiWcation is a closed set of individuals known to the participants in the discourse’’ (Kiss 1998: 268).
As I argued, a contrastive focus is not drawn from a set of known individuals. 53b) is revealing. 53b) is not felicitous because CLLD requires that the dislocated constituent be anaphoric, hence somehow linked to ‘‘furniture’’—it is CLLD and not FF that has the requirement of connecting with a known set of individuals. 53c), on the other hand, is Wne because cadires can be construed as being part of the set furniture. Given the sort of relationships that CLLD and antecedent display, Villalba (2000) claims that the relation can be deWned as that of a poset (borrowing a concept from Birner and Ward (1998) for an analysis of topicalization in English, see the detailed discussion in Villalba 2000: 60–80).