By Ki-dong Yi
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Extra resources for A Korean grammar on semantic-pragmatic principles
NP A N' N c. A Patient Agent NP A Agent N move a I N' A Patient As far as the c-command relationship is concerned, the structure in (ISa) predicts that both arguments ought to c-command each other. The structures in (ISb-c), on the contrary, dictate an asymmetrical ccommand relationship between the two arguments (assuming the original definition of Reinhart 1976): either only the Patient ccommands the Agent (l8b), or vice versa, only the Agent c-commands the Patient (l8c). As the theory of binding crucially utilizes the c- NOUN RAISING AND GENITIVAL RE LA TIONS 29 command relationship, it offers a testing-field for the issue at stake, as already pointed out by Giorgi and Longobardi (1991).
Either we have a flat tripartite structure (18a), or the Patient is more prominent than the Agent (18b), or the Agent is more prominent than the Patient (18c), as the null hypothesis would predict. 7 The third structure, however, can surface as (16a) only if the noun undergoes obligatory leftward movement prior to speIl-out, Agent lowering being excluded as movement cannot take place to non c-commanding positions: (18) a. NP ~ Agent Patient N b. NP A N' N c. A Patient Agent NP A Agent N move a I N' A Patient As far as the c-command relationship is concerned, the structure in (ISa) predicts that both arguments ought to c-command each other.
On the basis of examples like (32b), Szabolcsi (1987, 1989) has argued that Hungarian noun phrases contain two functional elements: an Agr-type element that is responsible for the Case of the possessor in the same way that I is responsible for the Case of the subject, and dominating it a complementizer-like element that accommodates the article (D). This proposal syntactically separates the two distinct functional elements, Agr-features and determiners, which are both generated in 0 according to Abney (1987) and much subsequent research.